The death of genocide mastermind Félicien Kabuga in The Hague has brought a dramatic and symbolic end to one of the longest-running manhunts in modern international criminal justice.

The United Nations International Residual Mechanism for Criminal Tribunals (IRMCT) confirmed on Friday that Kabuga died while hospitalized in The Hague, where he had been under UN detention following his arrest in France in 2020 after more than two decades on the run.

In a statement issued from Arusha and The Hague, the UN tribunal said Dutch authorities had commenced standard investigations into the circumstances surrounding his death, while Mechanism President Judge Graciela Gatti Santana ordered a full inquiry led by Judge Alphons Orie.

Kabuga, a wealthy Rwandan businessman once regarded as one of the world’s most wanted fugitives, had been charged with genocide, conspiracy to commit genocide, incitement to genocide and crimes against humanity linked to the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda.

Prosecutors accused him of financing extremist militias, facilitating hate propaganda and supplying resources used during the massacres that killed more than 800,000 people in approximately 100 days.

For decades, Kabuga’s name occupied a near-mythical place in international justice circles.

An arrest warrant was first issued by the former International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), but Kabuga managed to evade capture across several countries for over 25 years before French authorities arrested him near Paris in May 2020.

His capture was hailed globally as a breakthrough moment for accountability over the Rwanda genocide — particularly because many believed age and time might permanently shield senior suspects from prosecution.

Yet the legal process that followed revealed the growing challenges confronting international war crimes tribunals.

Kabuga’s trial formally began in September 2022, but proceedings soon became overshadowed by concerns about his health and mental fitness. In 2023, judges indefinitely stayed the case after finding he was no longer fit to stand trial because of severe cognitive decline.

At the time of his death, he remained in detention while awaiting provisional release to a country willing to receive him.

That unresolved status leaves behind a deeply complicated legacy.

For survivors of the genocide, Kabuga’s death may represent the final disappearance of one of the men they viewed as central to organizing and enabling the killings. But it also means one of the most anticipated genocide trials of recent decades will never reach a verdict.

The development therefore carries implications far beyond Rwanda.

Kabuga’s case had increasingly become a measure of whether international justice institutions established after the atrocities of the 1990s could still deliver meaningful accountability decades later. Instead, his death before judgment highlights a recurring dilemma: justice mechanisms often move more slowly than history itself.

The case also revives broader questions about the effectiveness and future of international criminal tribunals.

Supporters argue that Kabuga’s eventual arrest demonstrated that genocide suspects can never fully escape accountability, regardless of how much time passes. Critics, however, contend that delayed prosecutions risk depriving victims of closure while consuming enormous institutional resources.

For Rwanda, the symbolism is especially powerful. The genocide remains the defining event in the country’s modern political identity, shaping everything from governance and national reconciliation to regional security policy and diplomatic relations across Africa and beyond.

Kabuga’s alleged role was particularly significant because prosecutors portrayed him not as a battlefield commander, but as part of the financial and ideological machinery that enabled mass violence. His prosecution was expected to deepen historical understanding of how economic elites, media structures and political networks helped fuel genocide.

Now, that judicial process ends without a final courtroom reckoning.

Still, Kabuga’s death is unlikely to diminish the historical consensus surrounding the atrocities of 1994 or the global legal precedents established in their aftermath.

The institutions created after Rwanda and the Balkans transformed international law, expanding the principle that individuals — including financiers, propagandists and political actors — can be held personally accountable for crimes against humanity and genocide.

Even so, the conclusion of Kabuga’s case without a verdict may reinforce calls for faster, more adaptive systems of international justice capable of handling aging suspects and prolonged conflicts more effectively.

More than three decades after the genocide, the world is once again reminded that while history can pursue fugitives for decades, time itself often remains the ultimate adversary of justice.

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Multilateral development banks occupy a delicate space. They are political creations, established by treaties and backed by sovereign shareholders. Yet their operational credibility depends fundamentally on financial independence, institutional discipline and market confidence. That balance is fragile. When political considerations appear to influence financial decisions — or when markets suspect they do — the cost can be immediate and enduring.

Afreximbank’s break with Fitch Ratings followed a downgrade that pushed the bank into non-investment grade territory. The institution argued that the rating agency misunderstood its Establishment Agreement and failed to properly recognise the strength of shareholder backing. That may well be a legitimate concern. However, withdrawing from the rating relationship altogether risks sending a troubling signal to investors: that the bank is unwilling to subject itself to external scrutiny when assessments turn unfavourable.

Credit ratings are not endorsements. They are risk opinions. Markets understand that disagreements between issuers and agencies occur. What they watch closely, however, is how institutions respond. A development bank’s willingness to engage constructively with scrutiny — even when critical — reinforces perceptions of governance strength. Abrupt disengagement can instead raise doubts about transparency, resilience and tolerance for independent oversight.

The deeper concern lies in the perception of political influence. Afreximbank’s shareholders are sovereign states. Some of those states have recently faced debt distress, restructuring episodes and contentious rating downgrades. In that context, the optics of severing ties with a rating agency may invite speculation that political sensitivities, rather than purely technical disagreements, are shaping institutional decisions.

Even the perception of political encroachment can be costly. Multilateral banks depend on global capital markets for funding. Their business models rely on borrowing at competitive rates and on-lending to member states and enterprises. If investors begin to price in governance risk — or fear that financial discipline may yield to political imperatives — borrowing costs rise. Over time, that erodes the very development mandate the institution was created to advance.

There is also a systemic dimension. African financial institutions have long argued that global rating methodologies inadequately reflect regional realities. That debate deserves serious engagement. But credibility in reform advocacy requires demonstrating the highest standards of governance at home. If calls for methodological fairness are accompanied by actions perceived as defensive or politically driven, the broader argument risks losing force.

The danger, therefore, is not the disagreement itself. Robust debate between issuers and rating agencies is healthy. The danger lies in what this episode might signal about institutional independence. Development banks must be insulated not only from market volatility, but from political pressures that could compromise objective risk management.

The path forward should prioritise transparency and reassurance. Afreximbank would strengthen its position by publicly clarifying governance safeguards, reaffirming its commitment to independent oversight and maintaining engagement with multiple international rating agencies. Markets are less concerned with disagreements than with opacity.

Africa’s financial architecture is maturing. Institutions like Afreximbank play a central role in shaping that trajectory. Preserving their independence is not merely a governance ideal — it is a financial necessity. If political overreach, real or perceived, takes root, the consequences will not be symbolic. They will be measured in basis points, investor confidence and long-term development capacity.

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One of the core assumptions underpinning any justice system is that courts exist not merely to determine winners and losers, but to deliver justice through a process that is independent, impartial and grounded in law. In that sense, litigants go to court not solely in pursuit of victory, but in the expectation that a fair process—faithfully applied—will command legitimacy, even where the outcome is unfavourable.

It is against this backdrop that the High Court’s dismissal of Mathias Walukagga’s petition challenging his exclusion from the 2026 parliamentary race must be assessed. Justice Simon Peter Kinobe’s ruling was procedurally sound, swift and firmly anchored in the letter of the law. The judge confined himself to the narrow questions placed before the court and concluded that the Electoral Commission acted lawfully in rejecting Walukagga’s nomination on the basis of expired academic qualifications.

From a strictly legal standpoint, the reasoning is difficult to fault. The law is explicit: a Mature Age Entry Examination certificate is valid for two years, with no provision for extension. By the time Walukagga presented himself for nomination, that certificate had lapsed. The court applied the law as written, and in doing so, reaffirmed an important principle of judicial restraint—courts do not rewrite statutes under the guise of interpretation.

Yet judicial correctness does not automatically equate to jurisprudential completeness. While the court answered the procedural question decisively, it left a more substantive issue unresolved—one that goes beyond Walukagga as an individual and speaks to the coherence of Uganda’s electoral and educational frameworks.

At the heart of the matter lies the concept of equivalence. The Electoral Commission’s case rested partly on the argument that Walukagga’s Mature Age certificate had expired, and that any equivalence derived from it therefore collapsed. But this reasoning exposes a deeper ambiguity: what does equivalence to A-Level education truly mean in law and in practice?

Advanced Level education is ordinarily understood as two years of structured study, assessment and progression. A Mature Age Entry Examination, by contrast, is an aptitude test sat over a matter of hours. While the law recognises this pathway as an alternative route into higher education, it remains unclear whether such an assessment can reasonably be equated—substantively, not just procedurally—to the rigour and duration of A-Level study.

Justice Kinobe chose not to interrogate this broader question, and he was arguably entitled not to. Courts are not policy forums, and judges must be cautious not to stray beyond the issues framed before them. However, the fact that this question remains unanswered points to a gap that the legislature and regulatory bodies have yet to address with sufficient clarity.

Notably, the court declined to award costs, recognising that the petition raised issues of public importance not previously tested in Ugandan jurisprudence. That acknowledgment matters. It signals that while the law was correctly applied, the policy architecture surrounding candidate qualifications remains unsettled.

Walukagga retains the option of pursuing appellate review, where differing judicial perspectives may further enrich the debate. But beyond the fate of one candidate, the case should prompt a wider national conversation. If Uganda is committed to broadening political participation while maintaining credible standards for leadership, then the rules governing academic qualifications must be coherent, defensible and clearly aligned with their stated purpose.

Justice is not only about strict adherence to process; it is also about ensuring that the rules themselves make sense. In the Walukagga case, the courts have spoken clearly on the former. It is now up to lawmakers and regulators to confront the latter.

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Jimmy Cliff spent his life trying to explain something simple yet profound: that reggae was never just a rhythm, never just a genre, never merely a sound from a small Caribbean island that somehow conquered the world. To him, reggae was born out of necessity — a declaration of existence from people who had long been denied dignity.

“We formed this music out of the need for recognition, for identity, respect, love and justice,” he once said. Those were not abstract words for Cliff but the coordinates of his own life.

Born James Chambers into deep rural poverty in St. James, Jamaica, he grew up hearing the echoes of dispossession — the kind that leaves marks on a nation, not just an individual. Yet from those beginnings, he stitched together a voice and a worldview that would become one of the great moral and artistic forces of the 20th century.

When Cliff entered the industry, Jamaica had no reggae, no template, no global stage waiting. There was ska — fast, bright, restless — mirroring the energy of a young nation finding its post-independence footing. There was rocksteady — slower, steadier — reflecting a people exhaling after the storm of political and social upheaval.

Then came reggae: a new beat carrying an old longing, a cultural and philosophical ascent rooted deeply in Rastafari’s insistence on African consciousness, black pride, and human upliftment. Cliff didn’t just witness that evolution; he catalysed it. His early work gave reggae its emotional vocabulary, equal parts defiance and tenderness.

For Cliff, music was never entertainment alone. “The essence of my music is struggle. What gives it the icing is the hope of love,” he said. Few artists embodied this duality as naturally.

From Wonderful World, Beautiful People, which made global audiences dance even as it pleaded for decency, to Vietnam, which Bob Dylan hailed as the greatest protest song he’d ever heard, Cliff carried the conscience of a generation.

He sang about war, injustice, poverty, longing and resilience — but always with that unmistakable melodic warmth that made the listener believe that hope was still rational.

His starring role in The Harder They Come was more than a film credit. It was a cultural breakthrough, a cinematic and musical detonator that blasted Jamaican sound and struggle into international consciousness. Cliff played Ivan Martin, a young dreamer battered by a corrupt system — a mirror of countless real lives.

The film told the world where reggae came from. Cliff, through music like Many Rivers to Cross, told them why it mattered.

It is no exaggeration to say that without that film — without Cliff — reggae might have remained a regional sound instead of a global language.

Cliff’s accolades — the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame, the Order of Merit, Grammy wins — were meaningful, but they were never the core of his legacy. That belonged to the countless people who found themselves reflected in his work.

“When we saw Jimmy Cliff, we saw ourselves,” Wyclef Jean once said. That sentiment spans continents. For decades, Cliff was a soundtrack for the marginalised, the ambitious, the spiritually searching, the people climbing their own mountains one slow, determined step at a time.

To hear You Can Get It If You Really Want was to be reminded that dreams are not an extravagance — they are a right.

With his passing at 81, the world loses more than a legendary artist. It loses a moral voice — one that sang about resistance without hatred, about identity without exclusion, about justice without despair.

We lose an elder who remembered the birth of reggae not as a commercial milestone but as a cultural awakening.
We lose a philosopher disguised as a singer.
We lose a carrier of memory — of a time when music itself was a rebellion.

Most of all, we lose the rare kind of artist who understood that every lyric could be a lifeline, every melody a shelter, every beat a declaration that a people long overlooked were, in fact, profoundly alive.

His death — from a seizure followed by pneumonia — closes a remarkable earthly journey. But it does not silence him. His songs remain global prayers for justice, identity, consciousness and dignity. They remain the sound of people rising.

Jimmy Cliff once said that Rastafari appealed to the world’s consciousness because it lifted humanity. In truth, his music did the same.

He leaves behind a world that still aches for the very recognition, respect and justice he sang into being.
And he leaves us with a simple instruction, whispered through decades:

Sing. Resist. Rise. Hope.

Jimmy Cliff has crossed over. But the movement he helped build — and the humanity he insisted we recognise — endures, steady as a reggae beat.

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Can a culture of rule of law truly take root in a society where the powerful routinely operate above it? That question remains unresolved in Uganda, six decades after the 1966 constitutional rupture, when military force displaced constitutional order and set a precedent that has lingered ever since. That moment reshaped the relationship between state power, public authority and the everyday citizen, embedding a tension that continues to define Uganda’s political culture.

Today, impunity is no longer the exclusive domain of the armed forces—though they remain among its most visible practitioners. It has widened into a multi-layered ecosystem of privilege inhabited by soldiers, politicians, wealthy businessmen and even dubious foreign actors who navigate public spaces with casual disregard for legal norms. Kampala’s daily traffic theatre tells the story plainly: heavily tinted vehicles slicing against traffic, SUVs with no number plates barreling down pedestrian walkways, and armed escorts converting public roads into personal thoroughfares. These are not isolated displays of misconduct; they are public performances of untouchability.

Over time, such transgressions have hardened into a broader culture of entitlement. When land is grabbed, when vulnerable communities are evicted without due process, when repression becomes routine and increasingly normalised, these acts draw legitimacy from the everyday demonstrations of impunity. The underlying message is unmistakable: laws restrain the powerless, not the powerful.

This environment breeds a caste-like hierarchy in which privilege is not merely possessed but flaunted. Impunity becomes aspirational. Those lacking formal authority seek proximity to it—hoping for immunity from the constraints that govern ordinary life. The result is a self-reinforcing cycle: impunity displayed at the top cascades downward, encouraging more people to bend rules, cut corners, undermine institutions and pursue advantage outside lawful channels.

The cumulative effect is deeply corrosive. A nation preoccupied with the theatrics of power inevitably loses sight of the basic needs that shape everyday life. When elites are insulated from broken roads, dysfunctional health systems, failing schools and decaying infrastructure—because they can circumvent public services or purchase private alternatives—national priorities become distorted. The lived reality of the majority becomes invisible to those empowered to address it.

Meanwhile, policy reforms and governance interventions routinely stall because they threaten entrenched interests that benefit from the existing order. Oversight institutions remain constrained, underfunded or politically subordinated. Citizens, observing a system that shields its most powerful actors from scrutiny, turn to informal networks, patronage or quiet resignation.

Ultimately, the rule of law is not simply a legal doctrine but a shared cultural expectation that no individual stands above the norms that safeguard society. It demands fairness, restraint and a willingness—especially by those in authority—to submit to the same standards they prescribe for others. Uganda’s challenge, sixty years after the foundational breach of 1966, is not only institutional but cultural: rebuilding a social contract grounded in equality, accountability and mutual respect.

Unless that culture is deliberately reclaimed and defended, the promise of rule of law will remain elusive—forever overshadowed by the daily spectacle of privilege and impunity.

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This week, Africa’s leaders gathered in Yokohama, Japan, for TICAD 9, the Tokyo International Conference on African Development. Japan, like others before it, is extending a hand to help Africa unlock its potential. The conference showcased ambitious initiatives, including the landmark Safaricom Ethiopia project backed by Japanese capital and guarantees. The event brimmed with optimism about unlocking private investment and building strategic partnerships for infrastructure, energy, and digital transformation.

But beneath the pledges and panels lies the persistent paradox: Why, after decades of similar interventions, is Africa still lagging behind? Why does the continent remain a patient perpetually in recovery, unable to stand on its own feet?

Part of the answer lies in the structure of these engagements. While pitched as development partnerships, many conferences also serve as gateways for external powers to secure access to Africa’s vast resources and strategic markets. For Japan, TICAD is both an instrument of diplomacy and a hedge against Chinese dominance in Africa. For Africa, it becomes yet another forum where leaders shop for aid and projects, while sidestepping the deeper structural reforms needed at home.

Yet Africa’s biggest problem is not a lack of partners. It is the failure to govern itself effectively. Weak institutions, poor governance, corruption, and regulatory uncertainty keep investors wary and citizens disillusioned. Youth—who make up the bulk of the population—see leaders who talk about the future in foreign capitals while failing to build the basics at home.

The African patient, in truth, has never been short of medicine. What it lacks is the discipline to take the treatment consistently. Cleaning up governance, creating a predictable business environment, liberalising economies, and investing heavily in human development are tasks that cannot be outsourced. They require courage, vision and accountability from African leaders themselves.

This is why the continent’s youth and thinkers must interrogate both the motives of foreign partners and the decisions of their own leaders. Development is not imported; it is built. Japan’s interest in Africa is welcome. So was China’s, America’s, and Europe’s. But without internal reforms, even the most generous partners will not cure Africa’s chronic malaise.

At TICAD 9, the theme was “co-creating innovative solutions with Africa.” That “with” is the key. No external partner can substitute for Africa’s own agency. Conferences may open doors, but only Africans can walk through them with conviction.

Until the continent takes full responsibility for its own recovery, Africa will remain the paradoxical patient—surrounded by doctors, prescriptions and medicine, but never quite healed.

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While cloaked in the language of “rebalancing the global economy,” Trump’s latest tariff barrage is nothing short of economic strong-arming. Uganda joins a long list of countries—many of them African—targeted not for any demonstrable wrongdoing, but for the simple reason that they do not “align sufficiently with the United States on economic and national-security matters.” In plain terms: you are either in America’s corner politically, or you will be punished economically.

This is not trade policy; it is coercion.

Uganda’s inclusion in the punitive tariff sweep, despite having no ongoing trade dispute with Washington, exposes the fragility and one-sidedness of African-American economic ties. At the same time, it validates a growing consensus among African policymakers: the continent cannot—and must not—continue to tether its economic destiny to the shifting whims of U.S. domestic politics.

It is time for strategic disengagement.

This does not mean isolationism or severing ties. It means recalibrating the terms of engagement. It means prioritising self-interest over sentimentality and investing in regional economic resilience over Atlantic dependency. Africa, and Uganda in particular, must seize this moment to turn inward—to AfCFTA, to COMESA, to East African regional supply chains—and build trade infrastructure that cannot be so easily weaponised by foreign powers.

Trump’s move jeopardizes sectors vital to Uganda’s export economy—coffee, textiles, floriculture, and processed foods—placing the ongoing pivot to value-addition, jobs and incomes at risk. It also undermines decades of goodwill nurtured under frameworks like AGOA, which are now exposed as privileges granted, not rights upheld.

The logic of dependency has failed us. American market access, while valuable, is no longer reliable. The volatility of U.S. trade policy—marked by executive overreach, disregard for multilateralism, and ideological realignment—makes it a poor foundation for African economic planning.

Uganda should respond not with indignation, but with strategy. This is the time to aggressively court alternative export markets in Asia, Latin America, and within Africa itself. It is time to leverage the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) as more than a slogan—to operationalise it, build cross-border infrastructure, harmonize standards, and eliminate tariff and non-tariff barriers within the continent.

President Museveni was blunt but right when he said, “Don’t involve me in issues to do with Trump… You have Africa—work on Africa.” That is not just a defiant quip; it is a doctrine waiting to be institutionalised.

The new tariffs are a blow—but they are also an opportunity. Uganda can either plead for access to a market that weaponises trade for political gain—or it can take the first real steps toward building a Pan-African economic future.

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At the heart of this case lies a UGX150 billion commercial loan extended by Equity Bank to businessman Kennedy Losuk Lokule for the development of the Emin Pasha Lake View Residence, a luxury property in Muyenga. The borrower, through his affiliate Prism Construction, also undertook work on a government project—constructing a technical college in Bushenyi under the Ministry of Education and Sports (MoES). The state’s failure to honour its obligation to Prism, amounting to UGX8.4 billion, has now snowballed into a liquidity crisis that threatens not only Lokule’s property empire but also the financial institution that backed his vision.

That a commercial bank has moved to foreclose on the collateral behind a non-performing loan is unremarkable—it is the standard legal recourse under such circumstances. What is deeply troubling is the government’s reaction: applying political pressure on the lender to defer enforcement of the court-approved foreclosure, while simultaneously failing to settle a long-overdue contractual obligation.

President Museveni’s directive to the Attorney General to halt the auctioning of Lokule’s Emin Pasha Hotel, combined with political overtures from Finance Minister Matia Kasaija and presidential advisor Odrek Rwabwogo, reflects an overreach that risks distorting the fundamentals of Uganda’s credit environment. In principle, political authority has every right to intervene when public interest is at stake. But in this case, the matter is neither nationalised nor public—it concerns a commercial loan, lawfully executed and legally enforced, with implications that are now being offloaded onto a private lender.

It must be clearly stated that the Ugandan government’s failure to settle its contractual obligations to Prism Construction should not become Equity Bank’s problem.

What’s unfolding is symptomatic of a deeper rot. Ministries and agencies continue to sit on trillions of shillings in arrears owed to service providers. Rather than systematically settling these verified claims, Treasury officials have relied on reactive, ad hoc bailouts disguised as support for distressed businesses. This practice creates fertile ground for rent-seeking. Genuine claimants languish while politically connected actors position themselves for special treatment.

The message being sent—wittingly or not—is that businesses that leverage political connections are more likely to recover their dues than those that pursue due process through the courts or Treasury channels. It undermines faith in Uganda’s procurement system, distorts incentives, and exposes the banking sector to systemic risk.

Allowing political authority to override judicial processes and contractual obligations erodes the rule of law and corrodes credit discipline. It introduces sovereign risk into what should otherwise be straightforward commercial engagements, and the long-term consequences for Uganda’s credit rating, investor confidence, and financial intermediation are grave.

Already, banks operating in Uganda factor in high risk premiums due to legal unpredictability and bureaucratic inefficiencies. When even court-sanctioned foreclosures can be stayed by political fiat, lenders will logically adjust—either by tightening credit to the real economy or raising lending rates to price in regulatory uncertainty. Either scenario stifles investment and punishes legitimate borrowers.

Moreover, while the government may claim to be acting to preserve economic assets or protect local investors, it fails to grasp the ripple effect on banking operations. The funds lent to Prism and Lokule are not abstract—they are depositors’ savings. By shielding borrowers from the consequences of default, the government is effectively asking banks to subsidise its failures at the cost of savers, shareholders, and future borrowers.

If the government believes Prism Construction was wronged, the solution is not to pressure Equity Bank into suspension of its rights. The urgent and appropriate course of action is to settle the MoES arrears, which have been outstanding since 2021. If the state had paid on time, this loan would not have soured.

Uganda must learn that respecting private contracts, enforcing payment discipline, and managing public obligations transparently are foundational to sustainable economic growth. These cannot be selectively suspended when politically inconvenient.

In the long run, the economy will only benefit if government honours its debts, restrains from meddling in judicial processes, and allows commercial institutions to operate based on the law—not patronage. Anything less turns development finance into a rigged game, punishing prudence while rewarding political proximity.

To restore confidence and credibility, the Ministry of Finance must expedite the payment owed to Prism Construction. Simultaneously, it should publish a clear framework for verifying and settling all government arrears, with timelines and transparency.

Let businesses rise or fall on their own merit—not the whims of political expedience.

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In his later years, the retired Supreme Court Justice and decorated legal scholar was known as much for his eccentricity as for his intellect. Some dismissed him as cantankerous, others saw him as uncompromising. Both may have been right. But none could credibly accuse him of betrayal—least of all to the ideals he held dear.

A towering figure in Uganda’s legal and academic circles, Kanyeihamba was instrumental in framing the 1995 Constitution and served with distinction on the Supreme Court bench, where he authored some of the most cited dissenting opinions in the country’s jurisprudence. He also served as Attorney General, Minister of Justice and Constitutional Affairs, and Uganda’s representative to the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights.

Throughout his career, Prof. Kanyeihamba made a name for himself as a principled defender of the rule of law, human rights, and judicial independence—often at great personal cost. His refusal to conform or remain silent in the face of injustice made him both revered and resented in equal measure.

Yet for all his legal gravitas, he was also, in the eyes of many who interacted with him, a curious blend of brilliance and oddity. Journalists tell stories of unannounced visits to newsrooms, early morning dictionary-carrying lectures on English usage, and high-minded quarrels about editorial decisions that left many exasperated but never bored.

“Years ago, he drove from his country home to Daily Monitor to correct me on my misuse of the word ‘kudos’,” recalls a former editor. “It was a Sunday and I wasn’t even on duty, but by Tuesday, 6am, he was waiting for me with five dictionaries to prove his point. That was the last time I ever used that word.”

Another recalls him showing up at New Vision with an unopened bottle of wine—a gift he had bought for a senior police official who had stood him up for dinner the night before. He wanted a story written about the incident. “When I tried to talk him out of it, he accused me of being too scared to speak truth to power,” the journalist says.

Some of these stories bordered on the surreal. One described an encounter where Kanyeihamba, furious that New Vision had refused to publish his opinion, berated a Daily Monitor journalist for failing to intervene. “He ranted for nearly an hour, then walked to his bedroom mid-conversation, leaving me alone in his living room,” the reporter recalled.

But these quirks did not diminish the respect he commanded. They were seen instead as manifestations of a man who never quite fit into the increasingly cynical world around him. To some, there was “a loose wire”; to others, he was simply one of the last true believers in a republic losing its way.

In the face of a judiciary and public sector often accused of compromise and complicity, Kanyeihamba remained unwavering—if not always diplomatic. He spoke, wrote, dissented, and often raged. But he never sold out.

Most notably, he was one of three Supreme Court justices who, in 2006, ruled that the re-election of President Yoweri Museveni had been so compromised it should be annulled.

His critics saw a stubborn idealist. His admirers saw a conscience the nation could not afford to lose. Either way, George W. Kanyeihamba departs with something few public figures today can claim: a clean conscience.

He is survived by family, colleagues, and generations of lawyers, students, and citizens whom he challenged to think deeper, stand taller, and never forget the ideals of justice.

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The immediate trigger for the probe was two tragic incidents. On June 3, during Martyrs Day celebrations, two individuals reportedly en route to a terrorist act were killed in a mysterious explosion near Munyonyo Catholic Basilica. The army initially claimed credit for “neutralising” the threat. Yet surveillance footage later showed a spontaneous blast with no evidence of external engagement—raising doubts about the veracity of the official account.

Nineteen days later, another suspect—a young woman—was shot dead in Kalerwe. Security forces alleged she was preparing to detonate a suicide bomb in a crowded market. Again, this was someone they claimed to have tracked for days. If that were true, why not arrest her earlier?

These disturbing inconsistencies prompted Gen. Muhoozi to order a probe, which has since led to the arrest of six officers from the military’s intelligence wing. His actions are a crucial first step in addressing the rot within the system. They suggest a rare readiness to hold errant operatives accountable—a critical element in any professional security force.

However, rooting out false intelligence must go beyond a few high-profile cases. False intelligence is dangerous not just because it leads to the deaths of innocent people, but because it erodes public trust in security institutions, misallocates resources, and creates fertile ground for impunity. When left unchecked, it allows politically motivated arrests, fabrications, and even torture to flourish—often under the guise of national security.

This has particular relevance for Uganda’s penal and military justice systems. For years, numerous suspects—especially opposition political figures, activists, and government critics—have been arrested and detained based on questionable intelligence. Many have spent prolonged periods on remand without formal charges or trial. Others have faced trumped-up cases that drag on indefinitely in courts, their liberty denied on grounds of national security, backed by intelligence reports that are never scrutinised in open court.

The probe ordered by Gen. Muhoozi should therefore expand its scope. It must include a comprehensive audit of all ongoing and past cases built on intelligence from the military and associated agencies. Special attention should be given to cases that have failed to progress in court—especially those in which suspects were denied bail and where allegations of torture to extract confessions exist. If the intelligence system is now under review for manufacturing threats, it follows logically that evidence derived from it should not be automatically presumed credible.

Justice, in these circumstances, demands that suspects in such cases be released on bail pending the outcome of the intelligence review. To continue detaining individuals under a system whose credibility is under serious question would be not only a legal and moral failure but a humanitarian one as well.

This moment presents Uganda with a unique opportunity to begin healing the deep wounds caused by a weaponised security-intelligence apparatus. Gen. Muhoozi has shown leadership by confronting the problem. The next step is to show consistency and courage by applying the same scrutiny to the broader system. Only then can justice be restored—not just for the innocent killed in botched operations, but for all those still waiting in cells for justice that may never come.

Gen. Muhoozi’s action to detain officers linked to these cases deserves recognition. It is a bold and necessary move to protect the credibility of the Uganda People’s Defence Forces. Yet the problem does not end with a few bad actors. The danger of false intelligence runs much deeper, and its consequences are both far-reaching and corrosive.

False intelligence is not merely a technical failure; it is a destabilising force. It inflames public fear and anxiety, especially when the perceived threat is amplified through official channels. It also lulls the state into a false sense of security, believing it has neutralised threats that may never have existed in the first place, while real dangers go unmonitored. And, crucially, it misdirects limited national resources—deploying personnel, logistics, and finances to chase ghosts rather than confronting tangible threats. In a region where every coin spent on security comes at the cost of schools and hospitals,  such misallocations are more than wasteful—they are unjust.

A state that relies on deception, however well-intentioned, to secure itself is ultimately building on sand. To truly safeguard Uganda’s future, the state must be as vigilant about truth as it is about threats. And that begins with ensuring that those tasked with protecting the country do not themselves become a source of fear and injustice.

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